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Madison writes in Federalist No. 43, “But as new-fangled and artificial treasons have been the great engines by which violent factions, the natural offspring of free government, have usually wreaked their alternate malignity on each other, the convention have, with great judgment, opposed a barrier to this peculiar danger, by inserting a constitutional definition of the crime, fixing the proof necessary for conviction of it, and restraining the Congress, even in punishing it, from extending the consequences of guilt beyond the person of its author.”
One of the grave concerns of the Founders addressed in the Constitution and by Madison was the long history of abuse by monarchs everywhere of the power to declare and punish treason. Treason has long been a very mutable concept that roughly corresponds to a violation or betrayal of a bond of trust. This bond may be between a husband and wife, making the murder of a spouse a treason, or it may be the bond between a citizen and his or her monarch, ruler or government.
The implicit duty of every citizen to show loyalty to the nation and obedience to its rulers is an essential part of any civilized society. As the Founders said, governments are instituted among men to secure the fruits of liberty, and without a bond of trust between citizens and the government, without a mutual obligation of obedience, citizen-to-government and government-to-citizen, civilization quickly devolves into anarchy and ruination.
But in many monarchies, where the duty of the citizenry was to the King, a despotic monarch was free to define that duty in any way he pleased, without necessarily acknowledging or upholding the reciprocal duty of the King to provide for his subjects. No small number of Kings and Emperors have been deposed by their own subjects for assuming god-like powers but failing to use them to protect the people.
The Roman Praetorian Guard, the historical personal bodyguards of the Roman Emperors were a potent political force in Rome for 300 years, and on numerous occasions assassinated various emperors to install new ones, which while treasonous, was a check and balance on despotism. Shakespeare is full of palace intrigues to overthrow bloody tyrants and despots through intrigues and treason.
Declarations of treason were a common way for a King to rid himself of enemies by claiming that the trust bond had been violated, and who could gainsay the King if he said he didn’t trust you any more? Worse, such a charge could condemn entire families to death through “corruption of the blood.”
The Founders themselves faced such charges of treason for even discussing rebellion, and resolved in the Constitution to inhibit that power substantially by providing a firm definition of the crime and a high standard of evidence, thus carefully controlling one of the most abused powers of any government in oppressing the citizenry while leaving the crime available for egregious violations of trust.
Also in the Federalist No. 43, Madison expounds on the necessity for a federal military power to suppress internal rebellion and insurrection under the concept of guaranteeing a republican form of government to the states and providing for their protection from internal rebellion.
The danger of a small, well-armed and well-organized force of insurrectionists seizing control of a state is quite real, as we have seen in many banana-republic tyrannies like Venezuela today, where a supposedly “democratic” election of a petite tyrant like Hugo Chavez results in a Communist tyranny in short order.
“Nothing can be more chimerical than to imagine that in a trial of actual force, victory may be calculated by the rules which prevail in a census of the inhabitants, or which determine the event of an election!” says Madison. In other words, violent revolutionary overthrow of a government does not require a majority action, and can be fomented and achieved by a relatively small proportion of the citizenry if they have sufficient arms and tactical ability, and therefore the federal government requires not only the power to raise armies to suppress internal insurrection, but the Constitution must guarantee to the People that the Union will act as one to put down such rebellion, if the nation is to endure.
The Founders were fully aware of the effects of insurgency and the dangers of internal overthrow, and made the Union responsible for ensuring that this could not, and would not happen in the United States.
No small number of internal rebellions were fomented within the United States in the past, including the Whiskey Rebellion of 1791. When Alexander Hamilton imposed a 25 percent tax on western corn products, the primary component of whiskey, which was one of the largest mediums of trade, riots erupted in Pittsburgh and David Bradford and James Marshall organized an open rebellion throughout Kentucky, the Carolinas and even Maryland. Washington believed that this was a critical juncture for the federal government, and that if the rebellion was not crushed, “We can bid adieu to all government in this country except mob and club government,” he said, adding, “If the laws are to be trampled upon with impunity, then there is an end put, with one stroke, to republican government.”
On a smaller scale, the Whiskey Rebellion vindicates Madison’s exegesis on the necessity of a Constitutional guarantee to the states for protection of a republican government and protection against domestic violence.
The bitter sacrifice of more than 600,000 Americans to put down insurrection and rebellion, and to extirpate the egregious evil of slavery in the Civil War proves beyond question the value of the duty of defense imposed upon the federal government to preserve the Union, for, as Lincoln said, “A house divided against itself cannot stand.”
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Musings on the Constitution – 2nd Amendment
June 28th, 2010, 5:38 pm by Seth RichardsonJoin the debate at Constituting America
It may now, and must now be said that after 234 years, our Supreme Court has finally, at long last, made it unequivocal and explicit that our right to keep and bear arms for personal defense is a fundamental, unalienable right protected by the 2nd Amendment and applicable to the States through the Due Process Clause of the 14th Amendment.
The ruling in McDonald v. Chicago is an enormous victory for liberty and security, although a slightly qualified one. Justice Alito, writing for the Court, says:
“In Heller, we held that the Second Amendment protects the right to possess a handgun in the home for the purpose of self-defense. Unless considerations of stare decisis counsel otherwise, a provision of the Bill of Rights that protects a right that is fundamental from an American perspective applies equally to the Federal Government and the States. We therefore hold that the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment incorporates the Second Amendment right recognized in Heller.”
This is an unparalleled victory for gun rights! Beyond the immediate effect, because the RKBA is now firmly a fundamental right, ALL REGULATIONS that infringe upon that right are subject to the “strict scrutiny” standard of review, rather than a lesser “rational basis” review. What this means in the practical sense is that many thousands of gun laws may now be challenged to see if they meet this test:
Can the government demonstrate that it has a compelling need to impose the regulation?
Is the regulation narrowly tailored to achieve only the legitimate governmental objective?
Does the regulation represent the least possible intrusion on the fundamental right implicated?
Many gun laws will meet this standard, including keeping guns out of the hands of criminals and insane persons, but many more will not meet this high bar, and that will change the complexion of gun ownership completely in many states, particularly in the East and Midwest, and of course California.
But, a caveat: The Court explicitly recognized that reasonable restrictions are both possible, and in a couple of cases, such as keeping guns out of schools, implicitly desirable. Furthermore, according to the hysterical pronouncements of Mayors Daley and Bloomberg, we can expect repeated attempts to burden gun ownership such as those put in place by the District of Columbia after the Heller decision. Daley is talking about all manner of obstructive bureaucracy and huge insurance policies, among other plots to suborn the will of the People and the dictates of the Court.
But again, the good news is that whatever he tries can now be challenged under federal civil rights laws, and most importantly, actions by state agents that interfere with the RKBA are now CIVIL RIGHTS VIOLATIONS that may be prosecuted under 42 USC 1983. This is an enormous boost to gun owners against overzealous cops and legislators.
Hooray for the Constitution! Today is a day to be remembered in our history books!
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