Expedience and cost-cutting through plea bargaining is immoral
By Seth Richardson
Justice is always costly, and its wheels grind slowly. We know this and accept it as a necessary part of civilization. But a prosecutor should reduce no person’s life or liberty, neither the accused nor the victim, to a financial calculation or a matter of expedience.
As it stands however, too often access to justice comes down to whether or not the prosecutor can find a plausible (or even not so plausible) reason to charge the defendant with several crimes in order to induce him to plead to a lesser charge, thus saving the cost and trouble of prosecution. That’s not justice, that’s expedience.
Plea-bargaining is a miscarriage of justice in every respect. And it all too often leads to innocent people pleading guilty in order to avoid harsh penalties for crimes they did not commit. If we, as a society, cannot afford to prosecute each and every violation of the law while respecting the rights of the accused in full, then we should not be prosecuting such laws at all. Selective prosecution and plea-bargaining are too often used as tools of oppression and discrimination against the ignorant, poor and socially disadvantaged. And in the obverse, it allows the cunning and well-heeled guilty to escape just punishment for their crimes merely through the threat of costly and time-consuming trials.
The calculus of justice must be based on the severity of the crime, the strength of the evidence against the accused, and the needs of society to be protected against that individual in the future. If the prosecutor cannot economically and socially justify a full and fair trial for a particular defendant, then the prosecutor must elect not to prosecute at all. Better yet, if the economic burden of a particular law is too great because of the large number of people violating it, it’s worth considering whether the law should exist at all. If there is a shortfall in judicial funding, then all the prosecutor has to do is ask us for more money and abide by the budgetary restrictions we place upon him. It’s up to the public to decide how much justice they can afford, and a society will have precisely as much crime as it is willing to tolerate.
Our legal codes are stuffed with petty, niggling laws to a degree that makes it impossible for any individual to go through life for a single day without violating some law. Many of these laws do not protect society against palpable harm; they are little more than revenue generators, to be wielded like a blunt instrument against the small and powerless by the mighty in an exercise and aggregation of naked power and control. Power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely. Nowhere does power pose a greater danger to life, liberty and property than when it is in the hands of a prosecutor, whose decisions are absolute and whose liability is non-existent. Prosecutors are absolutely immune for their actions, no matter how egregiously they may abuse their authority. The only recourse is to unelect them, but that’s small comfort to those already wrongfully convicted or coerced into pleading guilty out of fear to a crime they did not commit.
This is not to say that our local prosecutors are corrupt. I see no evidence of this. But wherever power lies, corruption waits, hiding in the crevices like mold, waiting for the right environmental conditions to spring to life and infect everything around it. So it is our duty as citizens to keep a close eye on those in power and to limit those powers where necessary, to inoculate the system against corruption to the greatest degree possible, consistent with the duties we lay upon our elected officials. Eliminating the plea bargain is one way of reducing the danger of miscarriages of justice and stemming corruption before it begins.
Defenders of plea-bargaining will make the argument that the entire justice system will grind to a halt if plea-bargaining is disallowed. Perhaps it will, but only if those who are responsible for deciding which cases to prosecute choose to make it happen by wasting public resources prosecuting victimless crimes and cases that neither serve any legitimate need for justice nor protect the public against any real harm. Such arguments for expedience must be rejected because fundamental rights are at stake.
We should not give the prosecutor a motive to engage in coercive misconduct. By being allowed to threaten someone with multiple counts and every vaguely associated crime he can think of in order to induce a plea by a person who, by law and by our fundamental societal beliefs, enjoys a presumption of innocence until proven guilty, the prosecutor makes his job easier, keeps his record of convictions spotless, and enhances the judicial system’s budget.
But if the crime is serious enough to warrant any prosecution at all, then the prosecutor must be compelled to try that case before a jury of the defendant’s peers each and every time, without regard for the costs involved, or the profit to be had, and without suborning and engaging in perjury before the court.
And that is exactly what happens when a defendant is coerced into pleading guilty to a lesser crime or even unrelated offense. Both the defendant and the prosecutor must stand before the judge and perjure themselves by falsely swearing to negotiated untruths. Such routine violations of the prosecutor’s oath of office debase our system of justice, which depends for its credibility upon the adherence to oaths and honesty. And too often such institutionalized and cavalier disregard for the truth leads prosecutors to abuse their discretion and their authority.
Justice is a harsh taskmistress. She is blind to all but the evidence, and if the prosecutor cannot prove the defendant guilty beyond all reasonable doubt based on the evidence, then the defendant must be freed. And there is no way to meet that burden of proof without a trial. This heavy burden of proof requires careful attention to the details and expertise in collecting, evaluating and presenting evidence, which is as it should be. To allow the police and prosecutors to be sloppy and slipshod in expectation of a plea bargain endangers us all. It is better that ten guilty men go free than that an innocent man go to prison.
Justice requires more of us than expedience, and the evidence of falsely accused persons who plead guilty and languish in prison as a result of prosecutorial coercion and misconduct increases every day as more and more innocent people are released based on exculpatory DNA evidence.
Ban plea bargains and let justice prevail, though the heavens fall.
© 2009 Altnews












Racism in the Colorado Springs Police Department?
April 29th, 2009, 3:32 pm by Seth RichardsonPrejudice and bigotry is not the sole province of the police, citizens are guilty too
By Seth Richardson
The Gazette’s new “Data Geek” Perry Swanson has taken on the important subject of the effects of race on law enforcement arrest decisions. In his April 27th article, Swanson outlines the statistics in Colorado Springs. The most significant statistic is that while blacks make up only 7 percent of the population, they account for 20 percent of arrests.
The pertinent question of course is whether or not blacks are committing more offenses than whites or Hispanics, or whether they are being arrested at a higher rate than whites because of their race? The statistics superficially suggest that officers, when initiating contacts, are racially profiling blacks, which is hardly an unknown law-enforcement phenomenon. Of course the term “racial profiling” itself is a loaded one, and carries a good deal of baggage that it may not warrant.
What would add a good deal of credibility to these statistics would be a comparison of convictions (or plea bargains) by race. Swanson points this out in his blog, but not in the article. He also points out the important question of what percentage of arrests of blacks versus whites is the result of officer-initiated contacts. It would also be interesting to see a statistical comparison of arrests of blacks by black police officers versus white police officers.
What’s important is not how carefully police scrutinize the conduct of any member of the public, because when you’re in public, the police have both the right and the authority, and indeed the duty to scrutinize you, within strict constitutional limitations of course; what’s important is whether you are engaged in illegal activity or not. Those who do not engage in illegal activity have nothing to fear from lawful police scrutiny. If you don’t want the police to be interested in what you’re doing, don’t do things that the police find interesting.
Do you get nervous when you see a police officer parked on the shoulder of the highway? Many people do because they know they are speeding. Do you become nervous when you see a police officer on the street? If so, why? And what sort of attitude do you exude if the officer approaches you to speak to you? Are you friendly, cordial and helpful, or are you hostile, angry and confrontational?
Experience tells police officers that those who are hostile, angry and confrontational often have something to hide, irrespective of their race, which makes the officer interested in finding out if that might be some illegality. It’s their job to do so, so one can hardly blame them for taking an interest in persons who show physical and emotional signs of guilt. They wouldn’t be good police officers if they didn’t pick up on such subtle clues of possible wrongdoing.
Unfortunately, the race issue is a place where guilt by association can skew the normal physiological reactions of an individual, which creates a feedback loop of increasing hostility and suspicion. And I’m not talking about guilt by association of blacks by police officers; I’m talking about guilt by association by blacks against police officers. If racial profiling of blacks by police officers is a problem in most big cities it’s as likely to be a result of institutionalized, cultural anti-police biases and open hostility to law enforcement on the part of blacks as it is racism on the part of police officers. This aspect of the problem is very often overlooked.
It’s important to note that a police officer’s response to evident postural and attitudinal hostility may have nothing whatever to do with racism and everything to do with a finely honed instinct for survival and an equally finely honed ability to sense that something isn’t right about an individual. While it may be true that police officers sometimes demonstrate heightened caution when dealing with blacks, that heightened caution may be the result of experience with hostile attitudes manifested by blacks.
Police work can be a life-or-death occupation and survival can depend on properly judging the imminence of potential threats. Making a mistake by underestimating a potential threat can be fatal, so we must allow some reasonable latitude to officers in how they act based on prior experience, and we must each do everything possible not to escalate the perceived threat level when dealing with the police. Observing the reactions of black police officers during interactions with other blacks can be highly instructive in this regard. One might say that for most police officers there are only two colors; blue and not-blue.
It could be racism, of course, as it too often has been on the part of police in the past, and it’s important to distinguish between experiential reactions to observable behavior and internalized beliefs by the officer about blacks in general that may constitute racism. Racism, you see, has a very specific definition, one that’s worth repeating: Racism is the belief that race is the primary determinant of human traits and capacities and that racial differences produce an inherent superiority of a particular race. So, in this particular context, unless the particular police officer can be identified as holding the belief that blacks are inferior because of their race, racism is not the proper term to use.
It may be that a particular officer is prejudiced or bigoted against blacks, but that is again is different from individual or institutionalized racism. It is important to identify officers who hold prejudiced or bigoted attitudes about any group, minority or otherwise and to weed them out of the department as quickly as possible, and it is the duty of the command structure to carefully investigate and take quick and decisive action against any police officer who manifests such prejudices. Such people cannot be tolerated in law enforcement and they endanger everyone by their presence.
But what’s just as likely is that additional scrutiny of blacks by police is related to the historical and cultural animosities towards police by blacks that manifests itself in behaviors that police officers find suspicious. This is not to say that these behaviors are entirely unjustified, given the long history of very real oppression of blacks in major cities across the nation by police. Such institutionalized discrimination has been the subject of countless investigations and remedial programs and many problems remain on the law enforcement side of the issue. However, it is equally important to acknowledge and address unwarranted hostility and confrontational attitudes by blacks towards police if we hope to create a community where law abiding people of all races have a comfortable and cordial relationship with their law enforcement officers.
Much work remains on both sides of the cultural divide between blacks and the police, and the efforts must be aimed at the deeply held prejudices and bigotries of both groups. It is wrong to blame only the police for these difficulties. Everyone has to accept their share of creating an atmosphere of hostility and animosity between citizens and police, regardless of race.
Prejudice means to form an adverse opinion or leaning formed without just grounds or before sufficient knowledge or an irrational attitude of hostility directed against an individual, a group, a race or their supposed characteristics. Bigotry means an obstinate and unreasoning attachment of one’s own belief and opinions, with narrow-minded intolerance of beliefs opposed to them.
The police are our public servants. They are there to assist and protect us, and while they owe us a duty of honesty and even-handed enforcement of the law, we owe them a duty of respect and cooperation for the difficult job they do. Let us recognize that our police, as a class, are too often the subjects of prejudice and bigotry themselves, and let us all strive to judge every individual police officer on his own merits, weeding out the bad ones and respecting and supporting the good ones.
© 2009 Altnews
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